Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
17 Janvier 2022
9782355960710
Chaque année, l'Institut de recherche sur l'Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (IRASEC), basé à Bangkok, mobilise une vingtaine de chercheurs et d'experts pour décrypter l'actualité régionale. L'Asie du Sud-Est - véritable carrefour économique, culturel et religieux - constitue un espace unique d'articulation des diversités sur la longue durée et le demeure plus que jamais aujourd'hui. Cette collection permet de suivre au fil des ans l'évolution des grands enjeux contemporains de cette région continentale et insulaire de plus de 650 millions d'habitants et d'en comprendre les dynamiques d'intégration régionale et de connectivités avec le reste du monde. L'Asie du Sud-Est 2020 propose une analyse synthétique et détaillée des principaux événements politiques, économiques, sociaux, environnementaux et diplomatiques survenus en 2019 dans chacun des onze pays de la région, complétée par un focus sur deux personnalités de l'année et une actualité en image marquante. L'ouvrage propose également quatre sujets traités à l'échelle régionale : les constitutionnalismes illibéraux, les nouvelles formes de la militarisation, la diffusion du salafisme, les relations commerciales entre l'Asie du Sud-Est et l'Afrique subsaharienne. Des outils pratiques sont également disponibles, dont une fiche et une chronologie par pays et pour la région ainsi qu'un cahier réunissant les principaux indicateurs démographiques, sociaux, économiques et environnementaux.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
7 Février 2023
9782355960727
Chaque année, l'Institut de recherche sur l'Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (IRASEC), basé à Bangkok, mobilise une vingtaine de chercheurs et d'experts pour décrypter l'actualité régionale. L'Asie du Sud-Est - véritable carrefour économique, culturel et religieux - constitue un espace unique d'articulation des diversités sur la longue durée et le demeure plus que jamais aujourd'hui. Cette collection permet de suivre au fil des ans l'évolution des grands enjeux contemporains de cette région continentale et insulaire de plus de 650 millions d'habitants et d'en comprendre les dynamiques d'intégration régionale et de connectivités avec le reste du monde. L'Asie du Sud-Est 2021 propose une analyse synthétique et détaillée des principaux événements politiques, économiques, sociaux, environnementaux et diplomatiques survenus en 2020 dans chacun des onze pays de la région, complétée par un focus sur deux personnalités de l'année et une actualité en image marquante. L'ouvrage propose également quatre dossiers thématiques qui abordent des sujets traités à l'échelle régionale : les villes de la Nouvelle route de la soie, la place des paysanneries dans les dynamiques agraires et foncières dans la région du Mékong, les trafics des biens culturels, ainsi qu'un débat interdisciplinaire sur l'Asie du Sud-Est à l'épreuve de la Covid-19. Des outils pratiques sont également disponibles, dont une fiche et une chronologie par pays et pour la région et l'ASEAN, et un cahier réunissant les principaux indicateurs démographiques, sociaux, économiques et environnementaux.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
16 Août 2018
9782355960338
Comment peut-on être vietnamien sans être vit ; être cambodgien sans être khmer ? C'est la question qui se pose aux Jaraï, Brou, Mnong et autres Stieng, populations autochtones des hauts plateaux, à la frontière entre les deux pays. Ces peuples, longtemps indépendants sur les hautes terres de la chaîne Anamitique, doivent aujourd'hui faire face à des mouvements migratoires sans précédent. Les nouveaux venus, colons des plaines, fonctionnaires, forestiers, commerçants, planteurs de café, gagnent peu à peu sur leurs terres, bouleversant fondamentalement leur mode de vie. Contraints à l'intégration, les habitants des hauts plateaux se battent pour éviter une assimilation pure et simple ; pour que leurs cultures ne soient pas sacrifiées sur l'autel du développement national. Ce livre fait émerger les enjeux de leurs revendications et des réponses qui leur sont apportées par les gouvernements du Cambodge et du Viêt Nam.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
17 Janvier 2022
9782355960697
Chaque année, l'Institut de recherche sur l'Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (Irasec), basé à Bangkok, mobilise une vingtaine de chercheurs et d'experts pour décrypter l'actualité régionale. L'Asie du Sud-Est - véritable carrefour économique, culturel et religieux - constitue un espace unique d'articulation des diversités sur la longue durée et le demeure plus que jamais aujourd'hui. Cette collection permet de suivre au fil des ans l'évolution des grands enjeux contemporains de cette région continentale et insulaire de plus de 640 millions d'habitants et d'en comprendre les dynamiques d'intégration régionale et de connectivités avec le reste du monde. L'Asie du Sud-Est 2018 propose une analyse synthétique et détaillée des principaux événements politiques, économiques et sociaux survenus en 2017 dans chacun des onze pays de la région, complétée par un focus sur des personnalités et une actualité marquantes. L'ouvrage propose également des dossiers thématiques qui abordent cinq sujets transversaux majeurs pour les pays sud-est asiatiques : la question des classes moyennes, celle des populismes et des usages d'Internet, le développement des relations Asean-Union européenne et les enjeux sanitaires posés par l'érosion de la biodiversité. Des outils pratiques sont également disponibles, dont une chronologie des événements des douze derniers mois, une fiche de données socio-économiques actualisées par pays et un inventaire des conflits territoriaux dans la région.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
15 Août 2018
9782355960406
Chaque année l'Institut de recherche sur l'Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (Irasec), basé à Bangkok, analyse les principaux événements politiques, économiques, sociaux, environnementaux ou religieux survenus dans l'ensemble du sous-continent asiatique. Établissant une rétrospective des faits majeurs de l'année 2012, ce livre aide à mieux comprendre les grands enjeux et les perspectives de l'année 2013 dans une région de près de 600 millions d'habitants qui, plus que jamais, joue un rôle d'interface entre les grands pôles asiatiques et l'Occident. Grâce au travail de terrain tout au long de l'année d'une vingtaine de chercheurs et d'experts, Asie du Sud-Est 2013 offre un décryptage d'une actualité asiatique complexe, dense et dynamique. Outre une analyse claire et détaillée, Asie du Sud-Est 2013 propose de nombreux outils pratiques sur l'Asie du Sud-Est : une chronologie des événements de l'année, les adresses des différents centres de recherche francophones et internationaux, une liste des formations et des centres de documentation relatifs à l'Asie du Sud-Est, une liste des principaux ouvrages publiés au cours de l'année, ainsi qu'un référencement des sites Internet institutionnels et communautaires sur la région.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960154
Fighting in Kachin state flared back up just months after President Thien Sein came to power in March 2011. The new government almost immediately began negotiating a series of peace agreements with ethnic armed groups declaring that the signature of a nationwide ceasefire with all ethnic armed groups would be a priority for this first civilian administration. By convincing the majority of groups involved in armed struggle against the Tatmadaw to sign ceasefire agreements, the predominantly civilian government succeeded in winning some credibility, both nationally and internationally. At the same time, several old fault lines have re-emerged, among them the conflict in Kachin and Northern Shan States. The roots of the conflict in Kachin State between the KIO and government troops go back to grievances over control of the territory (and its lucrative natural resources) and the preservation of ethnic identity after the end of British colonial rule in 1948. The rekindling of this old conflict, after seventeen years of ceasefire, serves as a powerful reminder of the fragility of certain aspects of the transition process. The setback to conflict and blockage of peace process with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and its Army (KIA) show that some structural political issues remain, such as the recognition of local power structures and decentralization. While much has been written in the media about the legal, economic, and political reforms in Myanmar; academic research about the Kachin Conflict, as well as firsthand information remains scarce. Analyzing the causes of the conflict and current impediments to peace in Kachin territories provides an illustration of the limits of the transition process. This research examines the personal experiences of a strong sample of influential Kachin people, shows the complexity of notions of war and peace in the collective Kachin memory, as well as the reinterpretation of these by local leadership for political ends.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782956447016
The emergence of public opinion in Thailand through media was a sign of the development of modernity in the Kingdom. Growing influence of the public opinion raised a double question to local authorities: Media tended to spread western concepts, such as "democracy" or "freedom"; which could be integrated to the local traditions; they could also set the bases of a modern state. By law or ownership concentration authorities have regularly attempted to grip on independent media. Nowadays debates on press freedom in Thailand are a new development of this long lasting antagonism. On the initiative of the French and German Embassies in Thailand, Irasec with the National Press Council of Thailand organized on May 23rd, 2007 a seminar on the relationship between State and Media in Thailand at the Thai Journalist Association. This seminar occurred at a very specific time in Thai modern politics. Since the beginning of the political crisis late 2005 and especially after the Coup d'Etat on September 2006, Thailand has committed to a long process of reforms and political reconstruction which is supposed to be followed by the approval of a new constitution by referendum. This should be the 18th Constitution since the founding of the modern State in 1932. However interrogations and worries remain over the whole process. During this political transition the role of media is particularly sensitive. The current situation in Thailand emphasizes concerns for press freedom. State censorship, self-censorship, media ownerships and ethics are of highest interest and worriment, and widely discussed in the frame of the Constitution drafting. Despite a high degree of freedom, notably in print media - a more worrisome situation is looming regarding radios, TV and especially internet, uncertainty and retrograde reforms could further damage the reliability of Thai media.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782956447047
Eric Frécon's study starkly reveals the fragility of the internal societies and the inadequate regulation of the Asian region by boldly plunging into a reality- that of piracy- that during the Cold War had been habitually restricted to notes of secret agents or for the reports of some original journalists. The study is an interesting approach. The development of terrorism has in fact confirmed it: a major part of the current scenario which matters now is that of the underground, economic, mafia-like or terrorist forces, forces that are beyond control and of which sometimes the nations are fully aware. Piracy is therefore an important phenomenon today; its analysis allows us to measure the power of the nations and the regulation of international zones. But the investigation is difficult and calls for intelligence, passion, the audacity to search in the dark and the courage to not be taken in: these are the very qualities that this work embodies. This book constitutes an excellent photograph of the weaknesses but also of the recovery of the Asians. It explains how piracy reappeared massively after the Cold War, firstly on account of the general deficiencies of the region and the weaknesses (or tactics) of some nations. But it also shows that the region has evolved. When I brought it up in 1998 in "L'Asie en danger", piracy was partially imputable to the internal situation and to the foreign policy of China. Since then, the collapse of Indonesia and the recovery of the Chinese regime have pushed it back towards the Straits of Southeast Asia. Eric Frécon's book also describes how the efforts of regional coordination and the policies of certain big nations like Japan and India acted upon piracy, in order to contain it, on the whole. The problem seems to have, since then, been identified and to a large extent handled; one may hope that it will be resolved in the years to come, even though the Indonesian crisis may seriously impede regulation efforts.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960062
Aux yeux des Philippins, Mindanao est un continent noir, peuplé de musulmans qui incarnent la figure de l'autre pour ne pas dire du mal. Cette représentation n'a pas beaucoup changé depuis la colonisation. Les « événements » couverts par les médias depuis la guerre - appelons les choses par leur nom - sous Marcos ont renforcé la perception des musulmans comme des fauteurs de troubles. À bien des égards, le conflit autonomiste, séparatiste, ressemble à la guerre civile du Liban caricaturée par les journalistes occidentaux comme un combat manichéen entre les bons chrétiens et les méchants musulmans. Pour se départir de cette impression, François-Xavier Bonnet a reconsidéré les préjugés qui ont formé le prêt-à-penser des observateurs extérieurs. Son travail fait date car aucun chercheur avant lui n'avait effectué une coupe géologique du conflit en examinant la stratification des tensions, comme autant de couches sédimentaires empilées, altérées par les lignes de faille provoquées par la guerre. Il fallait un géographe de formation pour combiner les différentes échelles d'analyse, souvent enchevêtrées. Il fallait un géopolitologue de conviction pour ne pas accabler une communauté et mettre en lumière la complexité des dynamiques politiques à l'oeuvre sur le territoire. La géographie/géopolitique française invite aussi à réfléchir sur l'histoire. Or, la narration du conflit a été négligée au profit d'une étude originale des causes en amont - qui n'existait ni aux États-Unis ni aux Philippines - et des conséquences (avec les règlements de paix) en aval. Il a fallu plusieurs années d'enquête de terrain pour jeter une lumière nouvelle sur cette question.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960109
This study will focus on the Indonesian jilbab, an ubiquitous piece of cloth that covers the hair and neck of women tightly, leaving no skin unconcealed. Achievement and role of jilbab after the authoritarian regime of Soeharto in 1998 is hardly known. The author examines women perception but also the Sharia Ordinances and the narratives of censorship. Voices of both women and sexual minorities (transgenders, gays, lesbians, bisexuals and queers) finally demonstrate awareness of the politics of representation in contemporary Indonesia, highlighting the links between religion, politics and identity.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782956447023
From October 2006, India holds the Chair of the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation Initiative (MGCI). Cambodia and Thailand have held this position for three years each before India, and in that order. MGCI was launched on 10th November 2000 in Vientiane (Laos) and aims at rekindling the cultural links between India and the five riparian states of the Mekong River, namely, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet Nam. It is from here that India seeks to strengthen connectivity through building the physical and social infrastructure in these countries. This includes roads, rails, air links and information and communication technologies as also education, culture, and imparting skills in development management and other technical areas. It is only with a robust engagement of this nature that MGCI may evolve a lasting socio-political and economic partnership with this region and take it further in enhancing India's military and strategic equations with these countries. India has taken scores of major initiatives under the MGCI and this newfound enthusiasm has also provided a boost to India's bilateral relations with each country. As this study shows, the results, however, remain a mixed bag and India needs to accelerate its footwork to implement its grand vision and to keep pace with other major stakeholders in this region. In particular, progress made by China has been far too rapid and this has put China in the lead and this remains a subject of debate both inside and outside the Mekong region.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782956447030
Human trafficking has been one of the most challenging problems of nation states across the globe since the 20th century. Thailand has lately turned into a country of origin, destination, and transit for human trafficking. So far, the degree of human trafficking into Thailand is still unknown. Studies on human trafficking into Thailand have been mostly carried out in the Mekong Sub-region. The south of Thailand is an under-researched area, particularly when dealing with trafficking for sexual exploitation. This manuscript provides key findings of the research project entitled Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation into Southern Thailand, under the joint support of the Alliance Française Bangkok and the IRASEC. Carried out during December 2006 - December 2007, the study was expected to fill the gap of research in the problem of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Thailand along a qualitative approach. It was designed towards fact-findings for a better understanding with the most updated information on the problem there. In all, the highlight of the contribution of this study is two folds. First, it enriches literatures on human security from the perspective of people on the move through a qualitative study of human trafficking for sexual exploitation into areas of marginal investigation - southern Thailand. Second, it contributes in terms of policy impact for further strengthening of the collaborative efforts at the national and district levels within Thailand as well as at the regional level.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960048
It was one of these landmark special programs at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand, on the top floor of the Maneeya Centre Building, in the upscale commercial heart of Bangkok, where Major General Pichet Wisaijorn was the exclusive guest speaker on that evening of November 2009. Many of the journalists, both Thai and Foreign, were present and Khun Roong and the other staff at the bar were working non-stop, dropping pizza here and glasses of dark beer there. Expectations were high. Pichet was the Fourth Army Region commander, which includes the three "problematic provinces" of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat, plus a few unruly districts in the Songkhla province. Since 2003, thousands of people, rubber tappers, insurgents, traders, school teachers, civil servants, police officers, military personnel and some foreigners had been killed in a maelstrom of violence linked to what was officially called the "separatist insurgency" by the authorities as well as linked to the mafia culture prevailing in this region. The trafficking of women, drug peddling, extortion, smuggling of palm oil and cheap electronic items from Malaysia have always been rife in the deep South. This mafia culture is prevailing in many of Thailand's 77 provinces, but the total breakdown of law and order in the South makes it worse. Many in the audience were thinking that General Pichet would deliver some answers to the most important questions which have puzzled journalists, businessmen and other residents for years: who leads the insurgency? What are their objectives? How the movement is structured, or is it even structured at all? What is the division of power between the Southern Border Provincial Administrative Committee, the armed forces, the local administration and the central government? Have there been any attempts to negotiate with the insurgents? But the presentation of Pichet was rather disappointing. What is the direction of their policy? Pichet repeated the royally endorsed recipe: khao chai, khao teung, pattana ("understand, reach out and develop"). With its supreme and unquestioned wisdom, this "magic formula" is supposed to throw the listeners in deep awe and reverence. But the mantra had long become a poor PR tool to answer the questions of journalists and diplomats on field visits in sam changwat pak tai, the three provinces of the South.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960239
Myanmar, the second biggest country in terms of area in mainland South East Asia, borders five neighboring countries: China, Thailand, India, Bangladesh, and Lao PDR. Myanmar's longest borders are with China (approximately 1,357 miles) and Thailand (approximately 1,314 miles), and it shares coastal waters with Malaysia and Singapore. Informal activities and informal moment of goods and people have been quite significant due to many factors. Although various policy measures have been developed to mitigate these informal activities, there has not been any study regarding the sources of these informal activities, their costs and benefits, impacts and consequences of the existence and non-existence of these activities, or how these activities could be mitigated without having significant negative economic and social impacts on the local people and the economy as the whole. This paper attempts to identify factors behind causes and effects of informal flows in goods and persons across the borders between Myanmar and its neighboring countries, especially China and Thailand, and to address related issues and possible policy implications. This paper is a result of various surveys and studies in many places in Myanmar, Lao PDR, Thailand, and China from 2005 to 2009 under several research projects.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960277
This study aims to increase awareness and interest on the pharmaceutical quality and counterfeit medicines issues in the Mekong Subregion. It provides a review of existing empirical findings regarding the state of medicine quality in the region. It also analyzes data on quality testing of drug samples from the five countries (Cambodia, China, Lao PDR, Thailand and Vietnam) in the region, in order to develop a conceptual framework for addressing the issue at the regional level, and to suggest areas for further study.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960246
At present, collecting and analyzing data from inside Myanmar remains notoriously difficult. There is, therefore, a non-Myanmar approach towards the majority of studies on Myanmar. This is especially the case when dealing with informal or illegal trade within the country's territory. IRASEC and the Observatory on Illicit Trafficking wanted to fill this gap by giving the floor to Professor Winston Set Aung, the founder and the director of the Asia Development Research Institute, and director of the Asia Language and Business Academy in Myanmar. He is also an MBA lecturer at the Institute of Economics in Yangon and is involved in several international and regional research programs in partnership with various research institutes including the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand; Tokyo University, Japan; and the Institute for Security and Development Policy of Sweden, Stockholm Environmental Institute. The focus of Professor Winston Set Aung's study is to provide a Myanmar-centric perspective on informal or illegal trade. The author offers an analysis regarding the process of informal exchanges through a pragmatic and non-contextualized critique. The causes of informal and illegal exchanges are identified and described without commenting on their origins. This intentional, measured, and calculated conservative perspective enables us to think on how to best use these flows in the current political situation in Myanmar. It seems therefore useful and relevant to make this data available to our readers.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
16 Août 2018
9782355960031
Since the 1980s, while trying to maintain political stability and territorial integrity, the Vietnamese state has strongly moved towards the transformation of a centrally-planned economy to a more market-oriented model, in which private, foreign and joint-venture businesses are increasingly becoming the key pillars of the national economy. Another key aspect of the i Mi's agenda was a fundamental shift in the party-state's foreign relations policy toward a normalization of Vietnam's diplomatic and trading relations with China, the United States, and other countries since the early 1990s. Over twenty years after the i Mi renewal renovation, Vietnam has been praised by various domestic and international institutions for its impressive achievements in socio-economic development and poverty reduction and for its gradual liberalization and market diversification, coupled with its commitment to equality. Consequently, this has changed the relationship between the party-state and society in a number of fields, including the control of agricultural land and other forms of natural resources. Such transition marks a great change in our scholarly understanding of Vietnam. It has opened the door for intellectual exchange between academics and has resulted in a great amount of research and new knowledge/publications in different languages about various domains regarding Vietnamese society, including the relationships between the state and society at different levels and in various sectors or geographic areas. Among them, studies like those of Kerkvliet, Fforde and others, have developed the everyday politics approach, which examines social interactions on an everyday action basis. This approach from below has given a fresh impetus to the study of social relations in Vietnam. However, our observations regarding academic research show that besides a number of rich ethnographic studies, there are many analyses from different social science disciplines that give a generalized view of trends of development and change in Vietnamese society over the past decades with limited field data. This means that research projects based on first-hand data from longer periods of fieldwork and qualitative investigations are still inadequate. As a result, we are suggesting that more field-based research be carried out in order to enhance and promote our understanding of Vietnam, especially its processes of socio-political changes.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960017
The history of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is part of the longstanding tradition of political Islam in Indonesia. Born in 1912 with the foundation of the Union of Muslim Traders (Sarekat Dagang Islam) this trend dominated the emerging nationalism in the Dutch East Indies for nearly twenty years. This initial momentum lies at the the origin of the two-dimensional Islamist project: to islamicise society by cleansing Islam of all practices considered to be impure; to mobilise the electorate by invoking Islamic values and their necessary implementation. Indeed, the birth and development of political Islam was closely linked to the reformist Muslim movement which in religious, cultural and social matters attempted to face the colonial challenge through a religious surge. In Indonesia, the Muhammadiyah, founded in 1912, and the Persatuan Islam, founded in 1923, provided most of the early generations of activists. During the decade after independence, militant Islam played a leading role in Indonesian politics. Between 1945 and 1960, the Masjumi party, which brought together most Muslim organisations, was one of the main government components and thereby constituted the matrix of political Islam in Indonesia to which the current generation of activists still refer. The discussions conducted within this party, especially the delicate compromises made between divine law and people's democracy, preconfigured the present debates conducted by Islamic parties. Like the current leaders of the PKS, this first generation of "government Islamists" was also confronted with economic and social modernity issues such as those related to the role of the West in this process. As the two following contributions remind us, its failure is mainly due to domestic reasons that in turn heavily influenced the way Indonesian Islam later considered these issues. Banned by President Sukarno and marginalised by the emerging New Order, the proponents of militant Islam had no choice but to withdraw from conventional politics. Here the organisational model of the Muslim Brotherhood (also repressed in several Arab countries) as well as the financial resources and literature made available to them by Wahhabi Islam networks contributed to the radicalisation of their discourse. The two terms Dakwah (preaching) and Tarbiyah (education) were therefore used to describe a movement based on the conviction that the re-Islamisation of Indonesian society was the essential precondition for its return to the political scene. Paradoxically, after the initial phase of repression, it was the New Order that favoured this agenda. From the early 1990s, some of the networks born from the Islamic revival were instrumented by a power lacking support and looking for scapegoats (Sino-Indonesian Christians...) on whom to deflect public anger. However, most student associations from the Tarbiyah movement did not let themselves be dragged into this trend and, true to their moral position, joined the opposition against the declining Soeharto regime. From this movement the Justice Party (PK) was born in 1998 (later transformed into the Prosperous Justice Party, or the PKS).
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960215
While there are many prior studies to date on the internal conflicts in Burma, these are mostly focused on the human rights situation within the country. In addition, many previous marked studies, such as works from Thai academics, International Organizations or the World Health Organization, have highlighted the human securities of migrant workers in the destination country whereby the process of migration has already taken place. However, none of them have focused on the phenomenon of migration in relation to perceptions of borders and human security. The lack of study addressing the influence of borders and human securities as the key indicators to people's migration behaviour supports the significance and relevance of this research.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960307
Yaa baa, « le médicament qui rend fou ». En Thaïlande le surnom de la méthamphétamine sonne comme un avertissement, mais il n'a pas dissuadé des centaines de milliers de Thaïlandais, jeunes pour la plupart, de s'y adonner avec plus ou moins de retenue. « Drogue de travail » ou « drogue de loisir », il s'agit d'un véritable phénomène de société qui n'est pas étranger aux évolutions économiques et aux mutations culturelles qu'a connues le royaume au cours de ces dernières décennies. Ce livre s'efforce de donner des explications à un engouement qui touche également d'autres pays de la région. Il replace la consommation de méthamphétamine dans les logiques du narcotrafic dont les ressorts sont à rechercher aux marges orientales de la Birmanie, en plein coeur du Triangle d'Or.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
15 Août 2018
9782355960161
Are the issues of civil society, "good governance", and the role of NGOs in Vietnam part of a discursive discourse that is linked to a growing development industry in which development studies and economics dominate? Kleinen questions these issues based upon longitudinal research in Vietnam since the early 1990s. In this study, an effort is made to explain the concrete interactions between authorities of the Vietnamese one-party state and its citizens by introducing an attitude of participants to conceal their real intentions with the intent to disguise their actions in order to obtain benefits for their own. Using the concept of mimicry the author tries to grasp what it means to live in a society where political and economic life is dominated by elite groups and were social change is coming from different directions. Two case studies are presented here: one in which local stakeholders of home stay tourism achieve their goals to develop an acceptable form of co-habitation with ethnic minorities without questioning the state. Another case study focuses upon the rapid urbanization of the periphery of Hanoi where land grabbing and private economic gains of outsiders are at loggerheads with local experiences and perceptions of state-village relationships. The question remains what it means for Vietnam's modernization and the prospects of a civil society.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960000
Modern education in Thailand started at the end of the nineteenth century under the impulse of King Chulalongkorn. Many scholars tracing back the evolution from traditional education to a modern education system emphasized the feeling of necessity that motivated this transformation. Wyatt (1969), Mead (2004) and Watson (1982) underlined the need for a modern administration, to handle the Siamese nation-state "as" the Western states, and in that respect, the key role played by education to structure the new Siam and to appear to the eyes of the world as civilized (Peleggi 2002). The shaping of a new education took place amidst strong political struggles. Siam needed to stand firm within the regional arena, swept by the winds of Western colonialism. Internally, King Chulalongkorn had to legitimize his power and to unify the kingdom by integrating satellite kingdoms into a wider space, the Siamese nation state. Education was vital for this mission as it would contribute not only to bringing state power into the provinces through state-paid teachers and government officials, but also to transmitting a whole nation-related imagery to the young generations. Giving rise to Thai-ness among the populations located at the margins of the kingdom was a tremendous ordeal. In the Southern part of the kingdom, population was mainly Muslim, spoke Malay and felt culturally closer to the Malay state (Dulyakasem 1991). In the Northern part, incorporating the Lanna kingdom and hill tribe populations into Siam proved not to be easy. Ideological, social and national values were introduced into education delivered to students, and with the implementation of the Compulsory Education Act of 1921, school attendance tied children and parents to the nation state and made them liable to it.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782355960123
Les hauts-plateaux méridionaux du Viêt Nam et du Cambodge connaissent depuis le milieu des années 2000 une forte augmentation des superficies plantées en hévéa. Les booms de l'hévéaculture diffèrent significativement de part et d'autre de la frontière, mais ils sont également étroitement liés dans le contexte d'une intégration régionale des filières et des territoires qui se renforce. Cette transformation est impulsée par le jeu des marchés globalisés et de puissants acteurs étrangers tels que la Chine et la Malaisie, mais les gouvernements nationaux jouent également un rôle important en matière d'accès et d'usage des terres agricoles. L'or blanc et les nouveaux eldorados ne sont pas qu'un enjeu économique ; sont également en jeu les influences et les rapports de force entre les pays de la sous-région du Grand Mékong, à l'image des importantes transactions foncières transnationales. Pour mieux comprendre la transition agraire actuelle impulsée par le boom de l'hévéa, les auteurs de cet ouvrage ont tenu à revenir sur l'histoire, l'époque de la colonisation européenne et les expériences socialistes. L'ouvrage analyse également la capacité des populations locales à résister aux pressions des nouveaux arrivants et la compétition que représentent les plantations d'hévéa de grande taille mécanisées.
Institut de recherche sur l´Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
3 Juillet 2018
9782956447061
This book argues that the Burmese military regime has always favoured an isolationist-type policy that finds its grassroots in Ne Win's autarchic and xenophobic era as well as in Burma's royal traditions, but without being completely cut off from the outside world. This policy approach is well suited to the Burmese authoritarian state which boasts an important strategic position in the region. In the past decade, the politics of "isolationism without isolation" has been skilfully developed by Burma's military elite in order to preserve itself from both internal and external threats. Since the Depayin crackdown in May 2003, every step the Burmese junta has taken indicates that it has been consciously defining both its foreign policy and its internal political agenda according to these isolationist tendencies, as the recent fallbacks that followed the "Saffron Revolution" (September 2007) and the Cyclone Nargis (May 2008) illustrate. Not only does the military regime tend to strategically withdraw itself from the regional scene, by choosing only a few but crucial diplomatic and commercial partners like China, India, Singapore, Russia or Thailand, but it also gradually isolates itself from the rest of the Burmese society, by opting for a strategic and nationalist entrenchment which was perfectly highlighted by the purge of the pragmatic Military Intelligence Services (2004), the transfer of the capital to Naypyidaw (2005) and the strict control over the transitional process initiated by its own "Road Map towards a disciplined democracy" and undisrupted by the recent crises.
